MERGING OF THIS BLOGSITE

I thank all the readers of this blogsite who have been a source of strength for me to write.
However, for reasons of better administration I am merging this blog with my other blog HARIHARAN'S INTELLIGENCE BLOG available at www.colhariharan.org

I seek your continued support and critical comments on issues I raise in my blogs which will now be available only in HARIHARAN'S INTELLIGENCE BLOG.

Col R Hariharan (Retd.)

Sri Lanka: Why military matters in the North?

By Col. R. Hariharan 

President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s Victory Day speech this year on May 19 was largely a defensive discourse justifying the continued presence large army formations in the North. The sense of triumphalism that had become hallmark of Victory Day speeches was missing this year. 

This is understandable as the President’s speeches from last year onwards have become increasingly reactive as international focus on Sri Lanka in recent times had been presenting it in bad light.  Many of Sri Lanka’s problems are based on age-old prejudices and three decades of bad blood between the ethnic communities.  

Fonseka's second war

By Col R Hariharan

The presidential pardon to General Sarath Fonseka (officially it is ‘ex-General’ as he has been stripped of his hard earned rank) after he completed only two years of a three-year jail sentence should come as no surprise.

As things happen in the Island nation, the idea touched off speculations on when and how he will be released. Of course, there was a lot of build up before it really happened with the perennial political go-between Tiran Alles MP took up the General’s case for pardon with his one time pal - the President. And the former Army Chief comes up once again in national focus with the speculation on what is he going to do?   

Chennai Centre for China Studies - An appeal

The Chennai Centre for China Studies (CCCS), a premier think tank based in Chennai, India, exclusively devoted to covering developments in China, invites voluntary donations from all Indian nationals including the NRIs, in order to help its further progress and consolidation.

 The CCCS researchers include eminent analysts in India and its managing committee comprises former top civil servants, academicians and  military specialists  who remained involved in China-related work for a long time. Access to Chinese language material for research is a specialty of the CCCS. Its website www.c3sindia.org is popular and being viewed throughout the world.

So far, the CCCS has been managing its working, out of self-generated funds and limited contributions from well-wishers. To enhance its capabilities further, it now needs additional financial support and wishes to appeal for donations from the interested Indian nationals, both at home and abroad.

 Following are details which may be required in connection with remitting money to the CCCS:

Account name: Chennai Centre for China Studies
Account No.: 0475 0100 0030 228
Bank: Indian Overseas Bank
Branch Address: Tower Branch, AC-56,5th Avenue,Anna Nagar(West), Chennai- 600 040
Branch Code:  0475
IFS Code:  IOBA0000475
Swift Code: IOBAINBB001

2. The prospective donors may choose any suitable banking money transfer channel for remittance to the above mentioned bank in Chennai, India. Alternately, they may wish to send a crossed cheque direct to the CCCS by courier/air post to the office address given below.

3. The CCCS is yet to be granted exemption under 80G of Indian Income Tax act; as such, the donors may not be eligible for any tax benefit. 

The CCCS will be happy to respond if there is need for further information. 
 

Our Contact Address:

Director, Chennai Centre for China Studies (CCCS),
 2 Apoorva Apartments,
7 Maharani Chinnamma Road, Venus colony,
Alwarpet, Chennai- 600 018
Tel: 044-42113140
fax : 044-42113150

Sri Lanka Perspectives: January 2012

Col  R Hariharan

Highlights

President Mahinda Rajapaksa faced the uncomfortable consequences of his reported promise to the visiting India’s External Affairs Minister (EAM) SM Krishna to enforce the 13^th Amendment Plus on empowering provincial councils. In his subsequent interactions Rajapaksa denied it and said he would take action only after the issue is discussed by all political parties.  As the opposition Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) said it was clear the President was trying to buy time rather than decisive action on this issue. If he really awaited opposition parties’ participation in the parliamentary select committee (PSC) constituted for this purpose the issue may never be resolved in the near future.  

Sri Lanka: Making LLRC Report Meaningful

By Col R Hariharan

The Rajapaksa government should be happy with the report of the Commission of Inquiry on Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation (LLRC) presented to the Sri Lankan parliament on December 16, 2011 as it has not pinpointed responsibility on anyone (other than political and systemic weaknesses and the LTTE) for the mess Sri Lanka finds itself after the Eelam War.

The report provides badly needed breathing space for the government, as the Commission has has done a fairly good job if one goes by the President’s mandate given to it. The well written report analyses in detail the reasons for past and present discontent of Tamils and has drawn the government attention to a number issues that had triggered Tamil insurgency.

Sri Lanka Perspectives: November 2011

By Col  R Hariharan

INTERNAL DEVELOPMENTS

Internally, the month of November 2011 saw a politically turbulent period and the country’s economy was facing the heat from the international economic downturn. 

Acquiring of private enterprises

The hurried enactment of the bill “The Revival of Underperforming Enterprises and Underutilized Assets Bill” to take over 37 private enterprises, which the government said were not performing well, created strong reaction from most of the business houses and political parties. The bill had drawn widespread criticism from business, political circles and even Buddhist clergy. Even two partners of the ruling coalition the right wing Jatiya Hela Urumaiah (JHU) and the National Freedom Front (NFF) abstained from voting although the bill was passed with 122 votes in favour and 46 against. 

Sri Lanka Perspectives -July 2011

By Col R Hariharan

The month of July had been an eventful one for Sri Lanka both internally and externally. The three major developments included the thumping success of President Mahinda Rajapaksa in the local bodies’ elections in the country except in the Northern Province, the building up of pressure on India-Sri Lanka relations and the fall out of Mrs Hilary Clinton, U.S. Secretary of State’s visit to India and its impact on U.S- Sri Lanka.

Local authorities election

The ruling coalition United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA), led by President Mahinda Rajapaksa, scored a thumping victory in the elections for local bodies held on July 23. The President’s continued popularity was underscored with the UPFA capturing 45 of the 65 local bodies for which elections were held. The main opposition parties the United National Party (UNP) and the Janata Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) failed to capture a single local authority. This would show that opposition parties were yet to bounce back from their parliamentary poll defeat.

Sri Lanka Perspectives: June 2011

By Col R Hariharan

Sri Lanka- India relations

The recent political changes in Tamil Nadu and the stodgy attitude of Sri Lanka to increasing Indian concerns on a whole lot of issues connected with Tamil minority and the Eelam war appear to have started having its adverse impact on Sri Lanka-India ties. In a frank assessment, India’s prime minister Dr Manmohan Singh in an interaction with selected editors of Indian media vocalised India’s concerns. He acknowledged his dilemma in handling Sri Lanka Tamil issue calling the grievances of the Tamil community in Sri Lanka ‘legitimate.’ He said the Tamils felt “they are reduced to second-class citizens.” He said that within the Sri Lanka population there were hotheads, and “the Sinhala chauvinism is a reality.”

Sri Lanka Perspectives – May 2011

by Col R Hariharan

External developments

Even as Sri Lanka celebrated Victory Day for the second year on May 27, allegations of war crimes and human rights violations in the last stages of its ‘final’ war the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) continued to haunt it. Sri Lanka’s damage control actions so far do not appear to have yielded much dividend. The latest in these efforts was a 3-day international seminar “Defeating Terrorism – the Sri Lankan Experience” organised by the Sri Lanka Army at Colombo from May 31. Sri Lanka expected participation from 45 countries. This is probably an exercise to vindicate the approach it adopted to defeat terrorism to deflect the increasing international flak over war crimes allegations. 

Sri Lanka: Jayalalithaa fires the first salvo

By Col. R. Hariharan
 

After staging a spectacular victory over her bête noire M Karunanidhi-led Dravida Munnetra Kazagham(DMK) in Tamil Nadu assembly elections, Ms Jayalalithaa, leader of the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazagham (AIADMK), has called upon the Indian government for action against the Sri Lanka  President Mahinda Rajapaksa for alleged war crimes and genocide of Tamils. Speaking at her very first press conference, Ms Jayalalithaa said “The President of Sri Lanka must be tried for war crimes and brought before the International Court of Law…” The AIADMK leader added, "India can no longer remain a silent spectator….If necessary, an economic blockade will have to be resorted to bring a recalcitrant Sri Lanka to heel."

Sri Lanka Perspectives – April 2011

By Col R Hariharan

UN advisory panel report and its fall out

The report of the three-member UN  panel of experts, set up to advise UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon on allegations of war crimes and human rights abuse during the final stages of the Eeelam war, has found credible reports of war crimes committed by both the Government of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The report released by the UN on April 25, has made the following recommendations to the Secretary General:

a.    The Government of Sri Lanka should immediately commence “genuine investigations” into these and other alleged violations of international humanitarian and human rights law committed by both sides involved in the armed conflict.

b.    The Secretary- General should immediately establish an independent international mechanism, whose mandate should include: monitoring and assessing the extent to which Sri Lanka is carrying out domestic accountability process and investigations and advising the Secretary General on its findings; and conduct investigations independently into the alleged violations.

An ode to the Indian soldier

March 09, 2011   7:57:38 PM
Manvendra Singh

While India has chosen to forget the sacrifices of its soldiers in foreign land, Sri Lanka has erected a memorial in honour of the IPKF’s fallen heroes.

I was on the lookout for Harpal’s name. Like all those who knew him I too had been devastated by the loss of the Ropar Khalsa. He had that infectious persona. I had last seen him at his unit mess, during the 1987 cricket world cup. Even as the country partook in its cricket craze, there were those who didn’t have that luxury, as they were at war for India.

Sri Lanka Perspectives – March 2011

Col R Hariharan Retd.

Local government polls

President Mahinda Rajapaksa once again affirmed his political strength when his Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP)-led United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA) romped home winning   205 of the 234 local government (LG) authorities in polls held during the month. [Elections to 64 LG bodies could not be held as legal action is pending after nominations to these bodies were rejected.

Sri Lanka Perspectives – January 2011

By Col R Hariharan 

Politics

Sri Lanka political scene is getting hot as new members are being elected for 330 local bodies throughout the country on March 17, 2011. In these elections, 12.7 million voters would be electing 3,931 members to four Municipal Councils, 39 Urban Councils and 258 Pradeshiya Sabhas.

These elections in the Northern Province have become a prestigious one for President Mahinda Rajapaksa as the ruling United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA) and its Tamil partner Eelam Peoples Democratic Party (EPDP) had not fared well in winning voter confidence in the presidential and parliamentary polls and local body elections for Jaffna and Vavuniya. 

Rajapaksa would like to use the local elections to establish the UPFA footprint in the North to legitimise his claim of being the leader of people from all communities. With the work on restoration of infrastructure and rehabilitation of internally displaced population going at a slow pace in the war torn north, the morale of a northern Tamils is low. Another irritant for the Tamils is the visible presence of the army everywhere; the army has been acting as an overlord of the civil administration. To top it all, law and order in Jaffna has deterriorated fast with murders and other criminal acts showing a sharp increase. So as of now UPFA and EPDP’s chances of asserting their presence in these elections in the North appear low.

The Tamil National Alliance (TNA), the former political proxy of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), contesting now as the Ilankai Tamil Arasu Katchi (ITAK) – the Tamil name of the erstwhile Federal Party – is expected to capture majority of the seats in the elections in this district. They had fared well in the Jaffna local poll and parliamentary elections. The United National Party (UNP) which had some roots in the past in the North hopes to do better. The President would like to strike a deal with ITAK to prevent it from becoming a loose cannon in the power play in the North. So far the ITAK had been elusive. It is using this opportunity to leverage with the President for finalising the much delayed devolution package for Tamil minority. As of now, there is no sign of any quick progress in this regard.

In the East, the Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal (TMVP) led by the President’s former ally Pillaiyan has decided to contest on its own symbol. As the three communities – Muslims, Tamils and Sinhalas – are almost in equal numbers, the election results are a wide open question, though UPFA is expected to do better.

The whole local election scene became a comedy of errors as nearly 20 percent of the nominations were rejected on technical grounds and trivial errors by returning officers. Both the UPFA and the main opposition party United National Party (UNP) were mortified to find a large number of their nominations rejected in many parts of the country. This was particularly damaging for the UPFA as its nominations to 35 local councils in 12 districts were rejected. The rejection in 16 local bodies in the Jaffna district including three Urban Councils (Velvettiturai, Point Pedro and Chavakachcheri) and 13 Pradeshiya Sabhas will perhaps become the biggest spoil sport for the UPFA’s efforts to show flag in the North.

Tamil Diaspora

To gain maximum mileage out of the publicity generated by the disastrous visit of President Rajapaks to the Oxford Union last month, pro-separatist segments of Sri Lanka Tamil Diaspora appear to be getting their anti-Rajapaksa act together. Though they are rive with internal differences, they appear to be united in bringing down President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s reputation using his problems in handling the strong adverse international allegations about Sri Lanka army’s war crimes and human rights violations.

The latest salvo was fired when three plaintiffs filed a law suit in a US District court in Washington seeking $ 30 million to compensate relatives of victims of killed in three incidents during the war by Sri Lanka army. The case was filed under the U.S. Torture Victim Protection Act 1991 which provides for victims to seek compensation from individuals in foreign states who commit acts of torture. The President’s spokesman dismissed the case as a publicity stunt by “mercenaries” of the LTTE. 

The Tamils Against Genocide, a Diaspora Tamil organisation, expressed disappointment that the U.S, had not taken action on this issue when President Rajapaksa made a quiet visit to the U.S. said to be for medical check up during the month. The Amnesty International also expressed similar sentiments.

The Eelam sympathisers were shocked when Swiss police arrested ten former LTTE representatives in the country on January 11, 2011. According to knowledgeable Diaspora columnist DBS Jeyaraj, those arrested included the present head of the LTTE in Switzerland Vijaratnam Sivanesan alias Ragu alias Ragupathy, his predecessor Chelliah Kularajasekeram alias Kulam and the influential Swiss Tiger finance chief Chelliah Jeyapalan alias Abdullah. They are facing charges of money laundering and belonging to a criminal organisation. Switzerland is the home of about 32, 000 Sri Lanka Tamils; and the country had been an important source of  LTTE funding.  

India-Sri Lanka relations

The usually cordial relations between India and Sri Lanka came under severe pressure when two Tamil Nadu fishermen were killed within a span of ten days during the month allegedly by the Sri Lankan Navy. Though Sri Lanka vehemently denied the involvement of its navy in the incidents and attributed them to ‘miscreants’ there was widespread anger in Tamil Nadu. In a slightly disturbing aftermath, some fringe elements of pro-LTTE parties in Tamil Nadu raided the Mahabodhi Society in Chennai and attacked a Bhikku and damaged some of the property at the Buddhist temple. This was the first time such an attack on Sinhalas has taken place in Tamil Nadu during the last two decades.

Reflecting the political sensitivities in Tamil Nadu, Government of India has reacted very strongly to the killing of fishermen. Terming the incidents as "very serious" and "unacceptable", India has said that such incidents had "no justification" and called on Sri Lankan authorities to "desist" from the use of force. India lodged a strong protest with Colombo.

In the latest incident one fisherman was killed and two others injured while fishing off Kodiakarai coast on January 22. The man, who had put out to sea with two others from Pushpavanam coastal hamlet, died after Sri Lankan Naval personnel allegedly tied a rope around his neck and pushed him into the water. Earlier, in another incident on January 12, an Indian fisherman was killed in Palk Straits when Sri Lankan Navy allegedly opened fire at three fishermen, who put out to sea from Jagadapattinnam near Pudukottai.

As stated in the Sri Lanka Perspectives December 2010, such incidents gain greater significance as the Congress-DMK is alliance passing through a critical phase due to the 2G scam, and as the Tamil Nadu state elections are nearing. So New Delhi’s strong reaction is not surprising. In a follow up, India’s foreign secretary Ms Nirupama Rao is slated to proceed to Colombo to discuss the issue when she calls upon President Rajapaksa and meets other leaders.

In October 2008, India and Sri Lanka had reached an understanding on “practical arrangements to deal with bona fide Indian and Sri Lankan fishermen crossing the International Maritime Boundary Line.” After that, killing of Indian fishermen, particularly those crossing Sri Lanka maritime boundary had decreased rapidly. In view of this, the latest killings particularly the one said to be on the Indian side of the boundary, need to be investigated fully. The possible involvement of elements opposed to the growth of cordial relations between the two countries in triggering such incidents should not be ruled out.    

Written on January 31, 2011

Courtesy: South Asia Security Trends, February 2011, www.security-risks.com

Sri Lanka Perspectives – December 2010

By Col R Hariharan

[I apologise for uploading this piece written on December 31, 2010 late; my academic teaching commitments at the IIM, Raipur and IIM, Indore had been keeping me busy. I am completing my  teaching commitment by next week.]

Two major issues came to the fore in Sri Lanka during the month. These were the mounting international pressure on Sri Lanka to probe allegations of war crimes and what appears to be waning commitment of the government to take speedy action to resolve the grievances of minorities. Both the issues have become foils in the fight for survival by the opposition United National Party (UNP), battered in both the presidential and parliamentary elections, and increasing political domination of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP).

War crimes allegations

International pressure on Sri Lanka to investigate allegations of Sri Lanka army’s war crimes in the last phase of the Eelam War is clearly mounting. Apart from the build up of well orchestrated campaign by sections of Tamil Diaspora there is sense of exasperation on this issue discernible particularly among the governments in many nations. Three developments during the month indicated that the issue was likely to come to the fore in the UN in the coming months.

Seventeen U.S. senators and 30 members of the House of Representatives in a letter to the Secretary of State Ms Hillary Clinton wanted the U.S. to seek a UN role in investigating the allegations of war crimes. They wrote “We strongly believe that any conclusions reached by the Sri Lankan government's commissions must be verified by a parallel international mechanism” backed by the UN. Their stand that without a means of verification, any findings “will lack credibility and true accountability,” generally reflected the view of Sri Lanka Tamil Diaspora. In a separate letter, the House members urged the U.S. to use its presidency of the UN Security Council during December to push forward “a credible and effective process for achieving accountability” in Sri Lanka.

The Wikileaks on Sri Lanka which came to light also showed American concerns on the issue. In classified diplomatic cables from the U.S. embassy in Colombo, officials wrote that the Sri Lankan government showed no signs of investigating alleged human rights violations committed by its side. They also that any effort to investigate was further complicated because President Rajapaksa, his brothers and Army Commander Sarath Fonseka, were responsible for many of the alleged crimes. The U.S. administration under President Barack Obama had been urging Sri Lanka to ensure accountability and to promote reconciliation. However, it had not supported the demand for an international probe of the allegations. This stand could be tested in the coming months.

British Foreign Secretary William Hague said in a TV interview acknowledged that his country was having a difficult relationship with Sri Lanka. “We want the Government of Sri Lanka to do better on human rights, to investigate alleged abuses and war crimes in the past.” The frosty relationship between the two countries was demonstrated when the Oxford Union which had invited President Mahinda Rajapaksa to speak at the Union cancelled his engagement in the last minute, citing “security reasons.” The hugely embarrassing incident was triggered by protestors spearheaded by Sri Lanka Tamil Diaspora who threatened to converge on Oxford to disrupt the meeting. The cancellation came as a rude shock to the people of Sri Lanka as it demonstrated not only Sri Lanka Tamil Diaspora’s clout in the UK, but also the British government’s “hands off attitude” shrugging off  the President’s visit as unofficial. 

Sri Lanka’s Ministry of External Affairs, caught on the wrong foot over the fiasco of the President’s visit, appeared confused when the UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon at his year-end press conference in New York said the panel of experts on Sri Lanka “is now able to visit Sri Lanka and meet with the Commission on Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation.” He further added that this was the result of “long consultations” he held with President Rajapaksa.

All along Sri Lanka government had been opposed even the appointment of the UN panel of experts, who the Secretary General were only to advice him and not probe the allegations. The news created a furore among the hawks in the ruling United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA). In a bid to clarify the government stand on the issue, the Presidential spokesman said that all arrangements would be made “for the panel to make representations before the LLRC. This position has been conveyed through diplomatic channels to the UN, as announced by the External Affairs Ministry.”

There was further confusion when Sri Lanka media quoted UN sources to say that the UN panel had no plans to make representations to the LLRC, “but would interact with members of the LLRC on subjects that are of common interest to both.” In a follow up, the government explained that it would issue visas for the United Nations expert panel to visit Sri Lanka and meet the LLRC, when such a request was made. Media Minister Keheliya Rambuklwella said “They [the UN panel members] will not be permitted to carry out investigations, record evidence or visit places of their choice without prior government approval.” As a face saving act, efforts are said to be underway for the LLRC members and the UN panel members to meet in a foreign venue.

From this botched up episode it would appear President Rajapaksa has softened his rigid opposition to the UN panel entering Sri Lanka. However, it is unlikely to represent any change in Sri Lanka’s stand against allowing any form of international involvement relating to the war crimes issue as the President appears to enjoy strong support on this issue among the public.

Resolving minority grievances

The Oxford fiasco has hurt the national sentiments of Sri Lankans by and large. Thus it could harden President Rajapaksa’s against external interference in the country’s handling of ethnic issue. This is further strengthened by information contained in Wikileaks on INGO relief money finding its way to the LTTE in the early years of the Peace Process 2002.

There are small indications of the hardening stand. The Minister of Economic Development Basil Rajapaksa has stopped construction of all new buildings in the North and East under projects planned with donor-funded loan or grant. With the reported return of Sinhalas, who were thrown out of the Northern Province by the LTTE, in large numbers to Jaffna, Tamils are complaining of preferential treatment meted out to the rehabilitation of Sinhalas, than the war affected Tamils.

In the latest intake of 135 recruits to the Sri Lanka Administrative Service there were no Tamils and just a single Muslim. Although none of the Tamil medium candidates were successful among 257 candidates who made it to the interview stage, it showed the government was not in a mood to take any special measures to increase minority representation in government service.

There was also the cabinet decision to allow the singing of Sri Lanka's national anthem only in Sinhala. As per this decision the Tamil version would no longer be played at any official or state functions as it used to be done in the North and the East, which have a large Tamil population. 

These developments are causing concern to Tamils and Muslims though they are reluctant to voice them in public. So they are likely to welcome the recent statement of Congress leader Rahul Gandhi that the Sri Lanka government was "not doing enough" for the Tamils in Sri Lanka. During a visit to Tamil Nadu he is reported to have said that he would take up the matter with "appropriate persons" at the Centre and see that Sri Lankan Tamils got justice. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi had also written to the Prime Minister on the subject. He had said the presence of about 30,000 Tamils in camps for internally displaced persons in Sri Lanka was a matter of "serious concern" as resettlement and rehabilitation of the Tamils had not been fully addressed by Sri Lankan Government in spite of earnest efforts and dialogue at various levels undertaken by India. With the Congress-DMK alliance passing through difficult patch due to the 2G scam, and the Tamil Nadu state elections around the corner, New Delhi is likely to increase its pressure Sri Lanka to improve its record in the coming months.

Courtesy: www.security-risks.com

Sri Lanka Perspectives - November 2010

 By Col R Hariharan (Retd.)

POLITICAL

Swearing of the President

Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa was sworn in as President for a second term on Nov 19, 2010. In a marked departure from the austere swearing-ins of the past, this time it had all the trappings of a coronation. After the swearing-in, colourful celebrations included a military parade with a fly-past of air force jets, a special display by Navy and a cultural display.  The pompous nationwide celebrations with huge cut outs of Rajapaksa showed that orchestration of  Rajapaksa personality cult is well under way and is likely to gather momentum.

Notable foreign representatives on the occasion included Bhutanese Prime Minister Lyonchhen Jigmi Thinley, Chinese Deputy Prime Minister Sang Giuowei and Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs Hu Zhengyue, and Maldivian President Mohamed Nasheed. India was represented by Minister of State for External Affairs Ms Parmit Kaur. In a clear departure from past practices, the ceremony started with only Buddhist religious observance instead of multi-faith prayers. The main opposition United National Party boycotted the ceremony.

Jumbo cabinet

President Rajapaksa’s new cabinet has been shaped on the basis of constitutional amendments. DM Jayaratne was made be the Prime Minister setting aside media speculations that President’s brother Basil Rajapaksa would be the choice. Basil will now be handling  planning and development portfolio. For the first time a new category of 'senior ministers' with 11 members has been introduced. They included trusted members of his earlier team. In addition to this 61 cabinet ministers and 31 deputy ministers have also been inducted.

Thus in all 104 members out of 161 members of the President’s United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA) have been included in the cabinet! He appears to have accommodated as many members as possible in the cabinet to prevent any defection from the ruling coalition. Apparently, political expedience appears to be the priority rather than efficiency of governance.

In spite of such large number of ministers, the President has retained the vital portfolios of defence, finance and planning, ports and aviation and highways under him. The senior ministers have been given other important portfolios indicating though their attendance at cabinet meetings was optional! The President’s strategy appears to be to keep coalition flock together and allow ministers and deputy ministers to perform only nominally. It indicated Rajapaksa’s lack of faith in retaining of the loyalties of the members of his coalition despite his mass popularity and lack of effective opposition.

Tamil politics

Heroes Day celebration: The deafening silence that greeted November 26, the birthday of Velupillai Prabhakaran, which used to be celebrated by the LTTE and its supporters as Maveerar Naal (Heroes Day) in Tamil areas of Sri Lanka showed the extent of disillusionment with the ideal of a separate Tamil Eelam. A former LTTE leader Athavan, now settled in Vanni, in a poignant statement issued on the occasion castigated the Tamil Diaspora for using the name of Prabhakaran and the Tamil Tigers for selfish reasons unmindful of the plight of former cadres and their families in Sri Lanka.

The Tamil Political Parties Forum (TPPF): All Tamil political parties excluding the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) have formed the TPPF to take up issues affecting Tamils in one voice. A TPPF delegation met President Rajapaksa on Nov 26 and handed over a letter expressing their concerns. The TPPF asked the President to find a political solution to the ethnic question within a united Sri Lanka so that Tamil people can fully participate in the governance in the North and East. “The implementation of the 13th amendment in full will be a positive beginning of the political process in this regard,” the TPPF said. The TNA is also said to be in informal touch with the TPPF so that they can come to a political understanding. Presumably this is in preparation of the Northern Provincial Council elections which are likely to be scheduled in March 2011.

DEFENCE

Joint exercise: Sri Lanka army, navy and air force carried out the first ever joint exercise in the last week of Nov 2010. Around 2500 armed forces personnel participated in the exercise code-named 'Cormorant Strike’ carried out along the coast in area Silawaturai, Mannar in Northern Province. According to defence sources Commando Regiment and Special Forces made amphibious landing during the exercise and participated ground operations. The objective of the exercise was to train leaders at different levels in planning, command and decision making . The selection of the Mannar coast for the regiment-group sized exercise across India’s Rameswaram coast is interesting. Probably the exercise was also to send a warning to LTTE’s international elements trying to revise the Eelam separatist movement among the Diaspora.

LTTE massacre of military prisoners: The army has opened a mass grave in Viswamadu jungle in Mullaitivu district where 26 armed forces personnel who were taken prisoner were shot dead by the LTTE were buried. The prisoners included 18 SLN sailors (including two naval officers) and eight army personnel. The naval prisoners were survivors of a LTTE Sea Tiger attack in 2007 in which Navy lost three Dvora craft. The security forces are in the process of identifying the dead. 

Army de-mining program:  The U.S. has donated US$500,000 worth of items including several vehicles, trucks, ambulances and equipment to Sri Lanka Army providing further assistance of de-mining operations underway in the North. India, Japan, Australia and the U.S. are among the countries assisting de-mining operations. While so far 856,203,415 square meters have been de-mined, parts of Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu districts still remain to be de-mined.   

FOREIGN AFFAIRS 

Hambantota port inauguration 

President Rajapaksa fresh from a visit to China, formally inaugurated the Hambantota Port on November 18. The just completed Phase-I of the Chinese assisted project was launched in January 2008. The $360 million Phase-I includes a bunker terminal. The Chinese government provided 85% of the funding while the remaining 15% was to be met by the Sri Lanka Ports Authority.  The launch of the second phase of the development of the port is said to have commenced on the same day.

Around 29 companies a majority of them Chinese are reported to have expressed interest in investing in various industries in the Hambantota Port. The Chinese companies have shown interest in manufacture and assembling of automobiles. At present Sri Lanka automobile market is dominated by India and the Chinese entry is likely to pose a stiff competition to the Indians. 

India 

Not to be outdone by China, India is also trying to increase its visibility in Sri Lanka. India’s External Affairs Minister S M Krishna paid a three day visit to Sri Lanka from November 25. He attended the 7^th India-Sri Lanka Joint Commission meeting on November 26 with his Sri Lankan counterpart Prof GL Peiris. According to Indian press note Joint Commission discussions covered all areas of bilateral relevance, including trade, services and investment, development cooperation, science and technology, culture and education. 

Krishna in a media briefing on arrival reminded Sri Lanka on the need for a structured dialogue mechanism with a mutual understanding of both parties in finding a political solution to the ethnic issue. He also said India would continue to assist Sri Lanka on various issues such as resettlement, rehabilitation, de-mining and agriculture development.

He alos inaugurated Indian consulates in Jaffna and Hambantota. While the Jaffna consulate would lessen the hardship of Tamil travellers to India, the Hambantota consulate would facilitate greater trade and investment from India likely when the area around the port develops and marine traffic increases.

Krishna also inaugurated the pilot project to construct 1000 houses for internally displaced people in Vanni. This is a part of India-aided project to construct 50,000 houses. He also flagged off the work on the Medawachchiya-Madhu railway line being constructed by Indian engineers with India’s assistance. Work will also begin simultaneously on the Madhu-Talaimannar and Omanthai-Pallai railway lines, which are being revived with Indian assistance. 

Pakistan President Zardari’s visit

Pakistan President Asif Ali Zardari paid a four-day state visit to Sri Lanka at the invitation of President Rajapaksa from November 26. Pakistan Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi, and Defence Minister Chaudhry Ahmed Mukhtar and a business delegation accompanied the Pak President.

Following bilateral talks between the two presidents, four agreements relating to visa abolition of diplomatic and official passports, agricultural cooperation, and assistance in Customs matters and agreement on the fields on arts and creative studies were signed on November 28.

November 30, 2010

Reproduced from South Asia Security Trends Vol 4 No 11

Copyright: www.security-risks.com

Sri Lanka: False Notes in Rajapaksa's Second Symphony

By Col R Hariharan

 

President Mahinda Rajapaksa started his second innings as President when he was sworn in at an auspicious hour on November 19, 2010 with all the pomp and ceremony associated with the coronation of royalty. “It Is fitting in a way” thousands of his supporters would say because President Rajapaksa is now “monarch of all he surveys.” Not only his United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA) has bagged two thirds majority in parliament but also dutifully amended the Constitutional two-term restriction imposed on presidents. With that the President’s second tenure that would have been his swan song, has now been turned into an orchestration for a second symphony, with options open for him to compose more.

Though the beaming President Rajapaksa looked supremely confident as he watched a military parade and the screaming fly past of air force jets on the occasion, there were a few false notes within few days of the second term.

• The first came when 104 members out of 161 members of the UPFA coalition were ushered into a jumbo cabinet. It included the prime minister, the new class of 11 senior ministers, 61 ministers and 31 deputy ministers. In his first term Rajapaksa’s coalition did not enjoy the advantage of two-thirds majority and his adoption of the ‘jumbo cabinet’ strategy to strengthen his coalition in parliament had some validity. But why has he fallen to the same ‘jumbo’ tactic? Does it mean he has doubts about retaining the loyalties of his coalition members? With his mass popularity, does the President really feel politically insecure? This doubt is further reinforced when we see the senior ministers - trusted lieutenants of earlier years - have been given the option of attending cabinet meetings when they chose, despite holding high sounding portfolios! Have they been put to pasture? Does it mean the President wants to keep them at arms length in his decision making process?

• The second jarring note is the way portfolios have been allotted to the ministers. In spite of such large number of ministers, the President has retained the vital portfolios of defence, finance and planning, ports and aviation and highways under him. President’s brother Basil Rajapaksa will be handling planning and development as before. The portfolios allocated to other ministers and deputy ministers are confusing. They also appear apportioned from cohesive entities, and we can expect the ministers to trample upon each others territory. Does this mean the President has little confidence in his cabinet members in delivering his development agenda of which he has been speaking at length? Or is it for more mundane reasons of keeping the ministers on the leash as they look for small pickings?

 Of course, there was also the President’s ill-timed, if not ill-advised, visit to the U.K. to address the Oxford Union. The President’s 100-strong entourage  marked a big occasion in his calculus. The organisers aborted the meeting the day before it was scheduled for reasons of security after a well orchestrated protest march of Sri Lankan Tamil expatriates, largely peppered with Tamil Tiger acolytes, threatened to converge on Oxford to disrupt the meeting. The Tamil protest had a well-timed added provocation when Channel 4 TV beamed an old but more detailed version of the gruesome slaughter of Tamil women captives allegedly by Sri Lankan army soldiers in uniform. The British government kept the legendary stiff upper lip and had nothing to say Oxford SNAFU as Rajapaksa’s visit was ‘unofficial.’ Wikileaks also added its pennyworth up loading cables on how the US ambassador Ms Patricia Butenis felt the President and his team had collective responsibility for war crimes.

The President bravely weathered the cold rebuff in Oxford in the icy British winter and went home to a thundering reception by an adulatory crowd. Regardless of the Tamil Tigers colouring of the war crimes issue, the Oxford experience should be a moment of truth for the President. He has to face the issue squarely at the international level and clean up, if not erase, his and Sri Lanka’s image blurred by war crimes allegation. No locally compounded formulation of the Lesson Learnt Commission-kind will can do this. Solutions like the one proposed by his irrepressible minister Mervyn Silva to educate all Englishmen from the highest officers to the lowest on Mahinda Chinthanaya can only provide comic relief. Sri Lanka has a credibility deficit in this respect. And this has to be overcome.

The President in a recent interview given to N Ram, the Editor in chief of the Hindu, had explained the rationale behind getting the constitutional two-term bar on the president lifted. He said he had found in the past, presidents were effective only in the first year of their second term after which they became lame ducks. As per this reasoning, the lifting of the constitutional limitation would enable him to use the second term fully for “development of the people.” If that was his idea, neither his cabinet nor its structuring gives confidence of fulfilling Rajapaksa’s hopes.

Moreover, with the abolishing of the two-term limitation for the President, Sri Lanka may end up with a life time president, though Rajapaksa had disclaimed any such intention in his Hindu interview. Going by his demonstrated political acumen, President Rajapaksa is probably shrewder than other ‘life term’ presidents of the world to make such a mistake. Some of the ‘life termers’ who rose to pinnacle of fame ultimately ended up in the dust bin of history. [Of course, there is a modern day precedence of a president who became an emperor! Jean Bèdel Bokassa, President of Central African Republic, declared himself President for Life in 1972 and crowned himself as emperor in 1976! Of course, he was overthrown later and died in custody is a matter of inconvenient detail.]    

As Oliver Goldsmith wrote “Popular glory is a perfect coquette; her lovers must toil, feel every inquietitude, indulge every caprice, and perhaps at last jilted in the bargain.” President Rajapaksa needs to rewrite his opening of the second symphony lest it fails at the altar of popular glory. He needs it to get his development agenda succeed.

 

Spotlight on India-Sri Lanka Relations

By Col R Hariharan (Retd.)

Sri Lanka President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s visit to New Delhi during the month ostensibly to attend the closing ceremony of the 19^th Commonwealth Games in New Delhi during the month is of significance. He was the only head of state to be invited by India for the closing ceremony underlining the special status the President and Sri Lanka enjoy in India’s foreign policy perceptions. The visit has to be seen in the overall context of growing relations between the two countries in three dimensions – internal politics, external dimension, and long term relations.

Internal political dimension

There is a strong internal political dimension both in India and Sri Lanka on the Sri Lankan Tamil issue. While Rajapaksa has politically strengthened himself in Sri Lanka giving him a free hand, Dr Manmohan Singh does not have this luxury. Despite the Congress party’s success in the last parliamentary election, the ruling United Progressive Alliance is conditioned by the fortunes of  its close ally in Tamil Nadu – the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) led by its octogenarian leader and Tamil Nadu chief minister M Karunanidhi. President Rajapaksa had never been popular in Chennai both because of the Eelam War and after that due to his seemingly indifferent attitude in providing political space for Tamil minority. New Delhi’s CWG invitation to Rajapaksa came at an inconvenient time for Karunanidhi. The visit provided another handle to some of the opposition parties in Tamil Nadu that have already been castigating “Big Brother” DMK of pandering to New Delhi’s policy of condoning Sri Lanka’s excesses against Tamils during the war.

As Tamil Nadu assembly elections are nearing the two major local political coalitions led by the ruling DMK and its rival the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK) are in the process of being reshaped. It is poised at a delicate stage and there is a lot of political posturing and sparring going on in retaining Congress support for DMK. DMK’s aging leader Karunanidhi’s sons are locked in a succession battle introducing an element of uncertainty in the future of the party. To ward off an eruption of internal conflict, Karunanidhi continues to be the chief minister and also lead the party despite incapacitation due to aging. This makes DMK politically more vulnerable than before. And AIADMK chief Ms Jayalalitha is already smelling blood.

Though Sri Lanka issue is not an issue of political mainstream in the state,  Karunanidhi’s handling of it during the Eelam War and its aftermath has exposed his political limitations due to his partnership in central coalition. To compensate for this he had frequently been goading New Delhi for action in a bid to show solidarity with the population on the Sri Lanka Tamil issue. And dutifully New Delhi had been echoing his concerns to Colombo. Before Rajapaksa’s latest visit to New Delhi, the Tamil Nadu chief Minister briefly met Ms Sonia Gandhi, the Congress Party chief, during her visit to Chennai and submitted a memorandum seeking her help in ensuring the rehabilitation of internally-displaced Tamils lodged in camps in Sri Lanka. In the memorandum he said “Inasmuch as the hapless Sri Lankan Tamils continue to suffer in the camps for the last 18 months, there must be some firm political commitment to end the sufferings of these people.” So it was not surprising that Indian External Affairs Minister S.M. Krishna echoed similar thoughts when he spoke the media on the occasion of Rajapaksa’s visit. He said India felt it was “time to act decisively to win over Tamil-speaking Sri Lankans so that their concerns were taken care of adequately.” Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh also used the opportunity provided by the visit to once again express India’s desire for Sri Lanka to act “decisively” on moving towards a political settlement “to bridge the ethnic divide.”  

Though Rajapaksa understands New Delhi’s political compulsions, he does not want to be seen as a ‘follower’ of India as his support base in Sri Lanka is mostly made up of Southern Sinhala voters. This attitude was evident when Sri Lankan Minister for External Affairs GL Peiris commenting on Rajapaksa-Manmohan Singh meeting tried to downplay the issue. He said “It was a very cordial meeting. No issue was discussed at length, but India wanted to know our plans. We indicated that we want to talk to a broader spectrum of stakeholders. That is the only way to do this, to get their ideas and to build a consensus.”  In his interview to the Hindu, he said “The Tamils' response has been good. They are coming on board.” Though there had been some progress on this count, it is not wholly correct to say the Tamil minorities are coming on board. Though the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), former political allies of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), leader P Sampanthan and other Tamil MPs had met the President twice and discussed the political issues, their active participation in political mainstream remains an open question.

President Rajapaksa has also gone back on his earlier promise to India on implementing 13^th amendment of Sri Lanka constitution to devolve powers to provinces after the war. The 13th amendment came into being after India and Sri Lanka signed a pact in 1987 under which Colombo agreed to devolve powers to provinces to satisfy restive minorities, mainly Tamils. Though 13^th amendment has largely lost its relevance in the present Sri Lankan political context, Sri Lanka stand has placed New Delhi in piquant situation. Despite this, Sri Lanka would like to do it on its own terms. During his Delhi visit the Sri Lankan Foreign Minister was categorical on the subject: "It is impossible to talk of exact time frame for implementing the 13th amendment, it is a great mistake to do because if you talk of timeframe and then you are not able to complete the process, it is bound to be conjecture, speculative, then there is erosion of credibility." This shows the lack of credibility in Sri Lanka’s promises.

If these signals are read collectively, in plain terms, India is not at all happy at the snail’s pace at which Sri Lanka was handling the Tamil issue.  The Indian foreign minister is now scheduled to visit Colombo on November 25. This issue will probably figure again on top of his agenda when he takes part in the India-Sri Lanka Joint Commission (ISJC) meeting scheduled on November 26 and 27. The decision to revive the ISJC meetings was taken during the President’s latest meeting with Indian Prime Minister. The meetings, interrupted during the war years, provide a formal forum to thrash out vexing issues between the two countries.

External dimensions

Apart from internal political compulsions, Indo-Sri Lanka relations also have a context in India’s increasing concern at the growing Chinese presence in South Asia particularly its assertive stance and presence in Pakistan Occupied Kashmir. Colombo is aware of Indian sensitivity on the subject, which was probably once again stressed at Rajspaksa’s meeting in New Delhi.

Sri Lanka-China relations are growing fast due to aggressive Chinese diplomacy as well as Colombo’s economic compulsions. So Colombo is probably being cautious in every action relating to China lest it affects its close relationship with India. This could be the reason for Sri Lanka to put a clamp on all information on Chinese activity in Sri Lanka including the number of Chinese workers, or details of progress on the projects the Chinese have taken up. Usually such information is freely available; it seems all government departments including Customs and Immigration appear to have been advised to keep mum on the subject.  

At the same time Rajapaksa would like to continue to builder better relations with China as a strategic ploy to balance Indian dominance as well as for the economic largesse China had been dishing out to Sri Lanka. Close on the heels of October visit to India, Rajapaksa made a three-day visit to Beijing and met with Premier Wen Jiabao. According to media, Chinese Premier pledged to continue all development assistance to Sri Lanka. The two leaders discussed the progress of development projects currently being carried out with the assistance of the Chinese Government. Wen also promised China's assistance to develop infrastructure, particularly the highway network and bridges. They also discussed on the Hambantota port development project, the largest project in Sri Lanka carried out with Chinese funding.

Sri Lanka also needs continued Indian diplomatic support in handling its international relations which has run into a lot of opposition for its poor human rights record and for ignoring international allegations of war crimes. The Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) constituted by the President to partially satisfy the international outcry has not met with large scale acceptance. This was highlighted during the month when three major INGOs - Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and International Crisis Group rejected Sri Lanka’s invitation to testify before the Commission. In a joint letter they contended the commission would not operate independently as some of its members were government servants during the war and it had no real mandate to probe alleged war crimes in the last stages of the Eelam War.

According to the United Nations, more than 7,000 civilians were killed in the last five months of the conflict. In June, the U.N. appointed a three-member panel to look into alleged violations of human rights and humanitarian laws. The US has also said the LLRC should identify those responsible for the serious violation of international humanitarian laws that occurred during the conflict. Sri Lanka has continued to ignore the issue claiming international moves as interference in its internal affairs. Significantly India has maintained a silent stance on the issue. This has encouraged Sri Lanka to maintain its hard stand.

Long term relationship

Already the two nations enjoy close political relations at international level and their relations in trade, investment, infrastructural linkages and defence cooperation are improving. There is a general, broad-based improvement across all sectors of the relationship.

India has also taken a number of initiatives to further cement India-Sri Lanka relations in the long term. This has a strong security aspect; building military to military relations, particularly between the two navies and the Indian Coast Guard is expected to remain a key part of it. This was evident when the Indian army and naval chiefs visited Sri Lanka recently. The Commander of the Sri Lanka Navy, Vice Admiral Thisara Samarasinghe, made an eight-day official visit to India commencing in October 2010. During his visit he observed a fleet exercise in the Indian Navy’s Eastern Naval Command at Vishakapatnam. Four ships of the training squadron of the Indian Navy including INS Tir, INS Shardul, INS Tarangini and Coast Guard vessel Varuna visited Sri Lanka in October.  About 150 Sri Lanka Navy personnel were provided an opportunity to train onboard Indian ships. These activities would indicate the sustained effort at building bonds between the two navies.

India has continued to maintain vigilance in ensuring that it does not become a cockpit of either revival of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) or the take off point for escaping LTTE fellow travellers seeking refuge in Canada and Australia. The arrest of four persons including Sakthivel, the Pondichery DMK municipal Councilor and Logu Ayyappan, Puduchery Periyar Dravida Kazhagam President during the month for in a ring for illegally transporting Sri Lankan refugees from Pondicherry coast to Australia is a case in point.

Apart from Indian participation in infrastructure projects, India is involved in the proposed Indian aided coal-fired power plant at Sampur, an ambitious project to build 50,000 housing units at a cost of $ 300 million with Indian grant for the war displaced families. Already an Indian project to provide 55 buses to local bodies, schools and other institutions a cost SL Rs. 92.95 million has been launched. The visiting Indian external affairs will be launching a pilot project to build 1,000 housing units in the Vanni on November 25; this is part of the mega housing project being undertaken in the region. These are some of the significant Indian steps to broaden its relevance to Sri Lanka while building a close relationship.

Conclusion

President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s political consolidation and the growing Chinese presence in Sri Lanka have circumscribed India’s current political leverages in Sri Lanka. At the same time, historical and geographical realities of the Indian Ocean region and India’s strategic strength dictate that in its own interest Sri Lanka should sustain its friendly relations with India. India also appears to have realised the need to build a win-win relationship with its island neighbour for the same reasons.

The growth of a win-win relationship can be affected under three circumstances: (1) if the Sri Lanka’s actions are perceived as affecting India’s national security, (2) the public mood in Tamil Nadu becomes strident if and when Sri Lankan Tamils become restive once again over their long pending grievances, and (c) Chinese and Pakistani influence over Sri Lanka grows at India’s expense. In the near term, chances of any one of the three prospects turning into reality appear remote. So given the political and public goodwill existing in both countries for each other, the relations are poised for further growth, despite occasional hiccups over specific issues. 
October 31, 2010
Courtesy: South Asia Security Security Trends Vol 4 No 10
www.security-risks.com 

 

Sri Lanka Perspectives - September 2010

Col R Hariharan (Retd.)

President Rajapaksa’s UN address

President Mahinda Rajapaksa in his speech at the UN General Assembly at the UN Headquarters in New York on September 23, 2010 has indicated that Sri Lanka was unlikely to change its stand against allowing any form of international scrutiny of its actions during the war. These include allegations of war crimes and violation of humanitarian laws mainly from the West and the Tamil Diaspora. He sought to vindicate Sri Lanka’s stand saying “such [humanitarian] laws were evolved essentially in response to conflicts waged by forces of legally constituted States, and not terrorist groups.”

Dwelling on his country’s long conflict with the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), he said he was elected on a promise to rid the country of the menace of terrorism. He appealed to the international community to examine “the capacity of current international humanitarian law to meet contemporary needs” where legally constituted states had to fight terrorists in asymmetric conflicts.

This argument would have been acceptable if Sri Lanka had cleaned up its act on its own. Unfortunately this is not so. Even the proceedings of the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC) constituted to investigate the events leading to Tamil insurgency lack transparency. Its hearings are held in camera. Media coverage of testimonies made at LLRC sittings is selective.

This was evident when most of the media did not report the testimonies made by Tamils at Kilinochchi. Some of them were damaging. For instance, Ananthi Sasitharan, wife of Elilan, former political head of Trincomalee, in an interview to the BBC said she had requested the LLRC to find out about the fate of her husband and other senior leaders of the LTTE (including former LTTE negotiators Yogi and Lawrence Thilakar, and the LTTE political wing deputy chief Thangkan) who had surrendered to the army in her presence. This testimony was not covered in the national media at all. This has reinforced the suspicion of large sections of world community that the government was not sincere in its reconciliation process and the media was working under external pressures. This does not bode well for speedy restoration of ethnic amity in the country.

Sarath Fonseka’s woes

It seems there are no let up in the woes of the Eelam War hero and former Chief of Defence Staff General Sarath Fonseka ever since he entered politics after retirement. A General Court Martial (GCM) on September 17, 2010 found him guilty on four counts of irregularities in military purchases while serving as army commander, favouring his son-in-law’s company. The GCM sentenced him to three years imprisonment. However, the President while confirming the sentence reduced the period of imprisonment to two and a half years.

Only last month another GCM stripped him of his rank and military honours for dabbling in politics while serving as army commander.The treatment meted out to Fonseka sharply contrasts with the handling of LTTE prisoners none of whom have been prosecuted. In fact, even as the President signed confirmation of Fonseka’s jail sentence, 397 Ex-LTTE combatants were released from a rehabilitation camp in Vavuniya after being detained for 16 months. Both the main opposition parties -the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP) and the United National Party have condemned Fonseka’s conviction as politics of persecution.

Bottling up human trafficking

The issue of Sri Lankan boat people – mainly Tamils from Sri Lanka – illegally trying to enter Australia and Canada had been a major source of embarrassment and concern for Sri Lanka. To curb such traffic and prevent external assistance from flowing into Sri Lanka that could lead to resurgence of Tamil insurgency once again , Sri Lanka’s has taken a series of measures to prevent illegal use of sea routes to and from the country. The assets of navy and air force are being re-positioned to support ground deployment in coastal areas.

The navy has shifted its North Western Headquarters from Puttalam to Mullikulam. This would facilitate prevention of illegal use of north eastern seas for nefarious purposes ranging from human trafficking to drug and arms trafficking. According to media reports Sri Lanka has already received two Israeli-built Fast Attack Craft (FACs) and four more FACs are expected to join the navy. The US is reported to have increased Sri Lanka’s air surveillance capability by providing sophisticated real time data link system. The system received early this year is mounted on two Beech King Aircraft SMR 2201 and SMR 2202 would obtain real time intelligence.

The illegal fishing by Indian fisherman in Sri Lankan waters off Mannar coast had been a major thorn in Sri Lankan security. There had been frequent seizure of boats from Tamil Nadu and in some instances of Sri Lankan navy had opened fire on them.
Considering the political sensitivity of the issue, the Sri Lankan and Indian navies have agreed to conduct extensive educational programmes for their local fisherman on the issue of maritime boundary between the two countries. This was decided recently at a meeting between senior officers of the two navies on board INS Kukri, an offshore patrol vessel, at the International Maritime Boundary Line near Point Calimere. They also discussed ways of ending the illegal activities of drug trafficking and human smuggling through improved surveillance methods.

Representatives of the Sri Lanka Navy Headquarters and the East, North and North-Central Naval Commands took part in the meeting. Indian navy was represented by Commodore Rajiv Girotra, Naval Officer In-Charge, Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry.
Therese measures are of security interest to India as an increasing number of instances of Sri Lankan Tamils fleeing from the country using India as a take off point have come to notice. Recently Tamil Nadu police searched a lodge in Courtallam and rounded up 53 Lankan Tamils some of whom had promised to pay up to Rs 300,000 to Chandrakanthan, a Sri Lankan refugee in Chennai for smuggling them to Australia and Canada. Police have arrested Chandrakanthan.

Sri Lanka economy

The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has forecasted “strong growth” of Sri Lanka economy this year while commenting on its 8.5 percent growth during the second quarter of 2010 as against 7.1 percent growth in the first quarter.

The government statistics office reported growth of agriculture sector by 5.1 percent, manufacturing by 8.9 percent, and services by 8.8 percent over last year’s figures. The IMF said the country’s fiscal performance so far “remains consistent with achieving the government's full-year deficit target of 8 percent.”
Written on September 30, 2010

© South Asia Security Trends, October 2010, Vol 4 No 9
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