By Col R Hariharan
[I apologise for uploading this piece written on December 31, 2010 late; my academic teaching commitments at the IIM, Raipur and IIM, Indore had been keeping me busy. I am completing my teaching commitment by next week.]
Two major issues came to the fore in Sri Lanka during the month. These were the mounting international pressure on Sri Lanka to probe allegations of war crimes and what appears to be waning commitment of the government to take speedy action to resolve the grievances of minorities. Both the issues have become foils in the fight for survival by the opposition United National Party (UNP), battered in both the presidential and parliamentary elections, and increasing political domination of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP).
War crimes allegations
International pressure on Sri Lanka to investigate allegations of Sri Lanka army’s war crimes in the last phase of the Eelam War is clearly mounting. Apart from the build up of well orchestrated campaign by sections of Tamil Diaspora there is sense of exasperation on this issue discernible particularly among the governments in many nations. Three developments during the month indicated that the issue was likely to come to the fore in the UN in the coming months.
Seventeen U.S. senators and 30 members of the House of Representatives in a letter to the Secretary of State Ms Hillary Clinton wanted the U.S. to seek a UN role in investigating the allegations of war crimes. They wrote “We strongly believe that any conclusions reached by the Sri Lankan government's commissions must be verified by a parallel international mechanism” backed by the UN. Their stand that without a means of verification, any findings “will lack credibility and true accountability,” generally reflected the view of Sri Lanka Tamil Diaspora. In a separate letter, the House members urged the U.S. to use its presidency of the UN Security Council during December to push forward “a credible and effective process for achieving accountability” in Sri Lanka.
The Wikileaks on Sri Lanka which came to light also showed American concerns on the issue. In classified diplomatic cables from the U.S. embassy in Colombo, officials wrote that the Sri Lankan government showed no signs of investigating alleged human rights violations committed by its side. They also that any effort to investigate was further complicated because President Rajapaksa, his brothers and Army Commander Sarath Fonseka, were responsible for many of the alleged crimes. The U.S. administration under President Barack Obama had been urging Sri Lanka to ensure accountability and to promote reconciliation. However, it had not supported the demand for an international probe of the allegations. This stand could be tested in the coming months.
British Foreign Secretary William Hague said in a TV interview acknowledged that his country was having a difficult relationship with Sri Lanka. “We want the Government of Sri Lanka to do better on human rights, to investigate alleged abuses and war crimes in the past.” The frosty relationship between the two countries was demonstrated when the Oxford Union which had invited President Mahinda Rajapaksa to speak at the Union cancelled his engagement in the last minute, citing “security reasons.” The hugely embarrassing incident was triggered by protestors spearheaded by Sri Lanka Tamil Diaspora who threatened to converge on Oxford to disrupt the meeting. The cancellation came as a rude shock to the people of Sri Lanka as it demonstrated not only Sri Lanka Tamil Diaspora’s clout in the UK, but also the British government’s “hands off attitude” shrugging off the President’s visit as unofficial.
Sri Lanka’s Ministry of External Affairs, caught on the wrong foot over the fiasco of the President’s visit, appeared confused when the UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon at his year-end press conference in New York said the panel of experts on Sri Lanka “is now able to visit Sri Lanka and meet with the Commission on Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation.” He further added that this was the result of “long consultations” he held with President Rajapaksa.
All along Sri Lanka government had been opposed even the appointment of the UN panel of experts, who the Secretary General were only to advice him and not probe the allegations. The news created a furore among the hawks in the ruling United Peoples Freedom Alliance (UPFA). In a bid to clarify the government stand on the issue, the Presidential spokesman said that all arrangements would be made “for the panel to make representations before the LLRC. This position has been conveyed through diplomatic channels to the UN, as announced by the External Affairs Ministry.”
There was further confusion when Sri Lanka media quoted UN sources to say that the UN panel had no plans to make representations to the LLRC, “but would interact with members of the LLRC on subjects that are of common interest to both.” In a follow up, the government explained that it would issue visas for the United Nations expert panel to visit Sri Lanka and meet the LLRC, when such a request was made. Media Minister Keheliya Rambuklwella said “They [the UN panel members] will not be permitted to carry out investigations, record evidence or visit places of their choice without prior government approval.” As a face saving act, efforts are said to be underway for the LLRC members and the UN panel members to meet in a foreign venue.
From this botched up episode it would appear President Rajapaksa has softened his rigid opposition to the UN panel entering Sri Lanka. However, it is unlikely to represent any change in Sri Lanka’s stand against allowing any form of international involvement relating to the war crimes issue as the President appears to enjoy strong support on this issue among the public.
Resolving minority grievances
The Oxford fiasco has hurt the national sentiments of Sri Lankans by and large. Thus it could harden President Rajapaksa’s against external interference in the country’s handling of ethnic issue. This is further strengthened by information contained in Wikileaks on INGO relief money finding its way to the LTTE in the early years of the Peace Process 2002.
There are small indications of the hardening stand. The Minister of Economic Development Basil Rajapaksa has stopped construction of all new buildings in the North and East under projects planned with donor-funded loan or grant. With the reported return of Sinhalas, who were thrown out of the Northern Province by the LTTE, in large numbers to Jaffna, Tamils are complaining of preferential treatment meted out to the rehabilitation of Sinhalas, than the war affected Tamils.
In the latest intake of 135 recruits to the Sri Lanka Administrative Service there were no Tamils and just a single Muslim. Although none of the Tamil medium candidates were successful among 257 candidates who made it to the interview stage, it showed the government was not in a mood to take any special measures to increase minority representation in government service.
There was also the cabinet decision to allow the singing of Sri Lanka's national anthem only in Sinhala. As per this decision the Tamil version would no longer be played at any official or state functions as it used to be done in the North and the East, which have a large Tamil population.
These developments are causing concern to Tamils and Muslims though they are reluctant to voice them in public. So they are likely to welcome the recent statement of Congress leader Rahul Gandhi that the Sri Lanka government was "not doing enough" for the Tamils in Sri Lanka. During a visit to Tamil Nadu he is reported to have said that he would take up the matter with "appropriate persons" at the Centre and see that Sri Lankan Tamils got justice. Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M Karunanidhi had also written to the Prime Minister on the subject. He had said the presence of about 30,000 Tamils in camps for internally displaced persons in Sri Lanka was a matter of "serious concern" as resettlement and rehabilitation of the Tamils had not been fully addressed by Sri Lankan Government in spite of earnest efforts and dialogue at various levels undertaken by India. With the Congress-DMK alliance passing through difficult patch due to the 2G scam, and the Tamil Nadu state elections around the corner, New Delhi is likely to increase its pressure Sri Lanka to improve its record in the coming months.
Courtesy: www.security-risks.com
No comments:
Post a Comment