By Col. R. Hariharan
The controversy surrounding the outgoing Army Chief
General V. K. Singh’s revelations in the last two months provided an excellent
opportunity for the Indian Express Editor’s cleverly constructed “scoop”
hinting at the panic created in New Delhi when two military units – a
mechanized column and a parachute battalion - moved towards the capital on
January 16. Its innuendoes at the establishment’s suspicion about the loyalty
of the army drew nation-wide attention. It is significant that a factual news
story on lessons army learnt from the same military movement published a month
earlier in a news website failed to get the same attention.
The trial by media that followed the Indian Express
story has revealed there was nervousness at least at some level in the
government when the Army Chief’s age controversy reached the judgement day in
the Supreme Court. This showed lack of trust at least among some bureaucrats
and politicians in the averment of both defence minister and the Army Chief
that their relations were cordial. Even the “conspiracy theories” thereafter
had takers as islands of distrust continue to exist at the functional levels in
the corridors of South Block both among the uniformed and the civilian kind.
This cannot be dismissed as the karma of Army Chief
General V. K. Singh’s birth on two different dates catching up with him.
Governments and armed forces have different styles and structures of
functioning and leadership. This increases the chances of friction in their
interactions in most of the countries. However, this has been exacerbated
because of Indian army's colonial origin. Overnight it became the army of
independent India without any change other than shedding the few British
officers from its ranks. This change of a colonial instrument into a national
vanguard of defence brought in its wake uneasiness among civilians, in not only
in dealing with armed forces, but also in handling matters military as well.
And the armed forces became the holy cows to be revered from the distance and
left to their own pastures.
Is it any surprise the Chief of Army Staff, who
succeeded the Commander-in-Chief who was number two in protocol in the colonial
days, was progressively downgraded to be equated now with the chairman of the
union public service commission? Hidebound bureaucracy sticks to this
pecking order and any move off this order raises heckles of suspicion. As a
result there is a lack of healthy interaction between service chiefs and
political leadership.
National leadership of newly independent India
spared little time to develop a strategic vision except to ensure the armed
forces respected civilian authority. They called upon the armed forces only in
times of war, not even on the eve of it. However, it is to Prime Minister
Nehru’s credit that he directly met the army chief one-to-one. Nehru had world
view on issues and it helped to strike an equation with military chiefs.
Over a period of time, when leaders of lesser
stature took over power, they had little time or interest in matters military.
The bureaucracy provided the interface between the armed forces and the prime
minister and defence minister. Unless we remove these blocks and have an
integrated defence ministry structure, where both civil and military
bureaucracy work together as equals, the situation is unlikely to improve.
Another aspect that needs attention in this whole
affair is the long term damage done to the cordial relationship existing
between the government and armed forces. Though the prime minister and defence
minister strongly endorsed their faith in the army, it lacked profundity to
counter the adverse impact of the story. In a country where civilian-military
leadership confrontations are rare, it will join a small collection of
such aberrations in the past like those of General Thimmayya and Admiral
Bhagavat.
This is the direct outcome of the public image of
armed forces frozen in the early days of independence where armed forces as
instruments of colonial government were seen and not heard. The current reality
is to accept differences that do come up between the leaders of government and
armed forces in their perception of national security issues. Ultimately it is
for national leadership to lay down policy and for the armed forces to execute
them. For this to be operationally effective, the response of both the national
leadership and armed forces to each others’ concerns should be real time.
And there is a need to demystify military matters
by publishing periodic white papers to keep the public informed. This can only
happen when we give up our national penchant to treat defence matters as holy
cows and be accountable to the huge expenditure the tax payer is incurring
towards national defence. Then only our law makers will focus on core issues
rather than the peripheral or sensational.
Political parties need to create defence
specialists in their midst to make healthy contribution to national security
policy making. Of course, they do have leaders with adequate knowledge on
security issues; but unfortunately, it would appear their services are not used
to upgrade the quality of parliamentary debates on defence issues. The shadow
cabinet system followed by the British opposition can provide useful pointers
on this aspect.
There is no point in blaming the media for this
serial controversy; the stark truth is now their values are driven by monetary
concerns than commitment to ideals. The media story gained prominence because
the controversy provided a fertile ground in the climate of trust deficit
between the public and the government. This is probably much more than what
exists within the South Block or between the public and armed forces. It is
tragic because this time it has created fissures in civil-military relations,
and in times of national security crisis the damage could be appalling. This is
the downside of the the 'scoop' and the whole affair surrounding the story that
started with two different dates of birth for the same Army Chief. It can
happen only in India.
Courtesy: South Asia Analysis Group Paper No 5001 dated
April 11, 2012
URL http://www.southasiaanalysis.org/%5Cpapers51%5Cpaper5001.html
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